History is Happening Now

February 17, 2009

Americans Love Partianship

Filed under: stimulus — Lee @ 5:55 pm

Democrats just finished fighting a rancorous and divisive battle in the House and the Senate to pass their economic stimulus bill, which Barack Obama will sign today.

The fight to pass this bill was nasty, personal, and resulted ultimately in the Republican minority fracturing off, and vehemently opposing the bill. The Democrat-initiated stimulus bill garnered zero Republican votes in the House, and 3 votes in the Senate. Obviously, after all this partisan combat, Americans must be utterly sick of Congressional Democrats, their stubbornness, their refusal to be reasonable and not pack their stimulus bill with mindless unnecessary “pork,” as the Michelle Malkins and Rush Limbaughs of the world would have it. Right?

Not if you believe a recent Gallup poll, which concludes:

Congress’ approval ratings have been below 30% pretty consistently since October 2005. There have been a few exceptions to this, with ratings as high as 37% in early 2007 after the Democrats took party control of Congress after their victories in the November 2006 midterm elections, but those quickly disappeared. More recently, approval ratings of Congress had been about 20% or lower, including an all-time low rating of 14% in July 2008.

This month’s sharp increase largely reflects a more positive Democratic review of Congress. Since the previous measure from early January, Barack Obama has been inaugurated as president, and now Democrats have party control of both the legislative and the executive branches of the federal government.

Democrats’ average approval ratings of Congress more than doubled from January (18%) to February (43%). Independents show a smaller increase, from 17% to 29%, while Republicans are now less likely to approve of Congress than they were in January.

This uptick in support is evident not only among Democrats, but also among self-described Independents:
gallup.gif

Moreover, Gallup writes:

Gallup has been measuring public approval of Congress on a monthly basis since January 2001. During that time, there have been only two month-to-month increases larger than the 12-point jump observed this month.

The largest single-month increase was a 42-point rally in congressional support after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, from 42% in a Sept. 7-10, 2001, poll to 84% in mid-October 2001. Gallup found similar increases in ratings of other government institutions around that time.

The next-largest jump of 14 points occurred after Democrats took party control of both the U.S. House and the U.S. Senate in early 2007. There was also a 10-point increase from March to April 2003, which spanned the time of the beginning of the U.S. war with Iraq.

Imagine if the stimulus had passed more or less as progressive economists, basing their assessments on nonpartisan CBO figures, had wanted — and not in the eviscerated form in which it went through. Democrats would think even more highly of Congress, and I have no reason to believe Independents wouldn’t be on board with that uptick of support, glad that Congress had attempted to take decisive action to halt this terrible economic slump. That’s speculation on my part, but reasonable speculation, I think, based on these numbers.

February 7, 2009

Thank you, all you wonderful bipartisans!

Filed under: stimulus — Lee @ 9:00 pm

Paul Krugman has written a post on his blog about the likely effects of the bipartisan compromise on the stimulus bill that has been reached in the Senate, a compromise driven largely by Senate Democrats, not Republicans.

His conclusion?:

[T]o appease the centrists, a plan that was already too small and too focused on ineffective tax cuts has been made significantly smaller, and even more focused on tax cuts.

According to the CBO’s estimates, we’re facing an output shortfall of almost 14% of GDP over the next two years, or around $2 trillion. Others, such as Goldman Sachs, are even more pessimistic. So the original $800 billion plan was too small, especially because a substantial share consisted of tax cuts that probably would have added little to demand. The plan should have been at least 50% larger.

Now the centrists have shaved off $86 billion in spending — much of it among the most effective and most needed parts of the plan. In particular, aid to state governments, which are in desperate straits, is both fast — because it prevents spending cuts rather than having to start up new projects — and effective, because it would in fact be spent; plus state and local governments are cutting back on essentials, so the social value of this spending would be high. But in the name of mighty centrism, $40 billion of that aid has been cut out.

My first cut says that the changes to the Senate bill will ensure that we have at least 600,000 fewer Americans employed over the next two years.

My conclusion? Attacks on the stimulus bill had absolutely nothing to do with Filipino veterans, contraception, or any other tiny portion of the plan; if that 1% of stimulus spending were the real issue, those provisions would have been stripped and the plan would have passed in much the form it was originally introduced.

Opposition to the plan had everything to do with preventing the most effective portions of the stimulus from seeing the light of day. Republican elites have always been quite open open about their desire to sabotage government programs in order to prevent the American people from seeing what effective government looks like. Centrist or so-called Blue Dog Democrats have been complicit in this project of sabotage.

Remember: Bush would not nearly have been as successful as he was in achieving his goals if he hadn’t had Congressional support from Democrats. Blue Dog Democrats are completely complicit in everything that was endured over the last eight years. If they had joined the fight against Bush, many of the worst excesses of the previous administration could have been avoided or diluted.

My prediction?: Republicans and centrist Democrats will get the tax cuts they covet. These cuts will be very hard to reverse. The spending in the bill will be insufficient to slow the slump in our economy. Obama and left-of-center Democrats will get all the blame for the “failure” of the stimulus, and they will have expended all their political capital, so that an additional stimulus will be impossible to pass.

And in a sense, they deserve some of the blame. Stimulus supporters claimed over and over again in reasoned and tranquil and almost lethargic bipartisan tones that this bill was absolutely vital to the success/survival of our economy but failed to communicate that urgency to the American people or negotiate intelligently (by for instance, asking initially for much more than they wanted, knowing the final amount would be lower).

Do you hear any urgency in the tone of this video?:

Obama deserves the brunt of the blame for insisting that the initial stimulus plan preemptively incorporate the “bipartisan compromise” that he hoped to forge. Surprise, Mr. Obama!: Republicans and centrist Democrats didn’t reach their hand back in loving admiration of your placid bipartisan/postpartisan tones and simply go ahead to agreeably vote for the bill, no push back, no demand for further compromise. They demanded even more spending cuts, more tax cuts.

And they got ‘em. Given that they’re in the minority, and that they don’t actually have a real interest in helping the economy succeed under a Democratic administration, Republicans couldn’t have hoped for a better outcome, really. There’s a reason they’ve been more successful than Democrats over the last thirty or so years in national elections. They know how to fight for what they believe in. We barely even know what we believe in, apparently, or we’re afraid to say so, preemptively neutering our proposals out of fear that we might make the opposition angry. Perhaps conservatives simply deserve to succeed.

I’m looking forward to watching the inauguration of our first woman president in 2012. I think the Palin-Wurzelbacher administration, and the Republican Congress they will preside over, will be lots of fun for all of us. The new administration will give me lots of opportunities to write political satire. The 600,000 Americans whom the Republicans and centrist Democrats — and in an indirect sense, Obama and left-of-center Congressional Democrats — have ensured will remain out of work? Well, I won’t be one of them — I have a fancy college degree and reasonable prospects in my life — so what do I care about those losers?

February 6, 2009

But Actually: Will the Real CBO Report Please Stand Up?

Filed under: CBO, Washington Times, stimulus — Lee @ 6:38 am

The Washington Times has drawn a lot of attention from the conservative blogosphere with an article on a Congressional Budget Office (CBO) report that the Obama stimulus will supposedly hurt the economy “in the long term.”

In an article misleadingly titled “CBO: Obama Stimulus Harmful Over Long Haul,” Stephen Dinan writes that “President Obama’s economic recovery package will actually hurt the economy more in the long run than if he were to do nothing, the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office said Wednesday.” The key to understanding the gross distortions at play in this article is the word “actually,” as in “Obama thought the stimulus would do X but it’s actually going to do Y.”

Evidence to support this remarkable claim, imputed falsely to the CBO (which actually has a deserved reputation for nonpartisan analysis, which is of course why so-called conservatives ignore its findings on a regular basis)? Try this:

CBO, the official scorekeepers for legislation, said the House and Senate bills will help in the short term but result in so much government debt that within a few years they would crowd out private investment, actually leading to a lower Gross Domestic Product over the next 10 years than if the government had done nothing.

This account of what the CBO report says isn’t wholly inaccurate, but the word “but” works much the same way as the word “actually” did above: as in, “Obama thinks that he’s getting something with all this short term growth, but in the long term we’ll be worse off than we started,” a fundamental misunderstanding of what the stimulus is for (more below). Also, in a curious non sequitur, the WT then quotes Republican criticism of the stimulus:

But Republicans and some moderate Democrats have balked at the size of the bill and at some of the spending items included in it, arguing they won’t produce immediate jobs, which is the stated goal of the bill.

Not only does the CBO report actually refute the claim that the stimulus “won’t produce immediate jobs,” which the WT fails to mention, but the WT is apparently unable to dig up a single Democrat (they’re hard to find these days) to contradict this interpretation of events.

Let’s forget the baseline bad reporting for a moment: In order for the WT to achieve its desired ideological claim — and to make its dodgy lede seem plausible — it has to omit the fact that the CBO’s primary claim is that “Senate legislation would raise output by between 1.4 percent and 4.1 percent by the fourth quarter of 2009; by between 1.2 percent and 3.6 percent by the fourth quarter of 2010; and by between 0.4 percent and 1.2 percent by the fourth quarter of 2011.” The CBO blog reports:

The negative effect of crowding out could be offset somewhat by a positive long-term effect on the economy of some provsions [sic] — such as funding for infrastructure spending, education programs, and investment incentives, which might increase economic output in the long run. CBO estimated that such provisions account for roughly one-quarter of the legislation’s budgetary cost. Including the effects of both crowding out of private investment (which would reduce output in the long run) and possibly productive government investment (which could increase output), CBO estimates that by 2019 the Senate legislation would reduce GDP by 0.1 percent to 0.3 percent on net.

In other words, the CBO letter on the macroeconomic effects of the stimulus reports that the stimulus is likely going to do exactly what it is designed to do: stimulate short-term growth and prevent the economy from getting worse. The anticipated reduction in GDP (in 2019) is built on top of the growth of a normally functioning economy, which can probably absorb a tiny decline in GDP.

Putting aside the fact that long-term economic forecasting is an inexact science, subject to all sorts of contingencies, the report implies that when adding together the long and short term effects of the stimulus plan there will be an overall improvement in the economy when combining short and long term effects than would otherwise have existed (more discussion of the math here). In short, the WT has completely misrepresented the nature of the CBO’s report, either for ideological reasons or out of incompetence; there is a good reason why the WT has earned a reputation as “the Fox News of the print world,” to quote Gene Grabowski.

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Here’s what the WT says about the stimulus and job creation: “CBO did project the bill would create jobs, though by 2011 the effects would be minuscule.” But look at the actual chart from the CBO letter:

CBO-Grab.tiff

Notice what the WT doesn’t say: Obama has the jobs figure exactly right. In the short term, there will be as many as three million additional jobs created by the stimulus package. That’s three million additional people working in 2009, spending money, preventing more businesses from going bankrupt or having to lay off additional workers. That number is not some economic abstraction: it refers to real working human beings, people with families, people who will be able to keep their dignity and have a slightly enhanced sense of security, a better quality of life, people not taking public funding in the form of unemployment or food stamps or other forms of welfare, in many cases people who will retain vitally necessary health care plans.

By 2011, the CBO reports that there are only up to two million additional jobs that can be attributed to the stimulus. If you want to split the difference between the high and the low job-creation estimates, that’s a “mere” one million additional people working rather than mooching off the unemployment system. Yeah, WT, miniscule indeed.

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To add icing to this lovely cake of mendacity, take a look at the other chart from the CBO report (h/t to No More Mr. Nice Blog):

CBO2.tiff

What does this chart say?

A one-year tax cut for high-income people will have a relatively small cumulative impact on GDP (because of its low multiplier effect); the purchase of goods and services by the federal government will have the largest multiplier effect, and thus the largest cumulative effect on GDP. The WT does not see fit to mention this part of the CBO’s analysis, for some reason.

I’m not sure if there are subtle economic arguments about why this isn’t the case — I can’t think of any offhand — but doesn’t this chart imply that Republicans should be railing to eliminate tax cuts on high-income people if they’re really so very concerned with the size of the GDP in 2019?

Even if there is a downturn — because of the debt-created “crowding” the CBO refers to — the baseline GDP will be much larger if weakly multiplying tax cuts for the rich go out the window. Remember: every dollar in taxes given to a high-income person carries with it a terrible opportunity cost: additional Americans will be out of work because of that policy choice, and those out-of-work Americans will be on unemployment, part of the vast army of entitlement kings and queens American conservatives so revile.

Any journalist or pundit who reproduces the WT’s ridiculous interpretation of the CBO’s report — that the stimulus will “actually” hurt the economy in the long term or that there will be short term growth “but” we’ll eventually be worse off — is guilty of journalistic malpractice and deserves to be fired for gross incompetence.

Will the WT story be shot down, as it so richly deserves to be, or will it become a capsule of conventional wisdom during the next news cycle? The answer is in the hands of Congressional Democrats and Barack Obama.

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While we’re talking about economic journalism it’s probably worth noting that, yes, the NYT does still employ some real reporters, who take their professional responsibility to inform the public seriously, and who are apparently capable of doing real journalism on economic matters; Martin Fackler has written what seems to me to be a very fair assessment of the problems Japan faced when it tried to climb out of its own deep recession in the nineties.

This article actually manages to give both sides of the stimulus debate, in considerable detail. Japan’s problem, according to those whose arguments I find most persuasive? Japan’s stimulus wasn’t fast or large enough, so it ended up stagnating for a decade, accumulating debt and initiating infrastructure projects in a piecemeal fashion. At least Japan has a decent social safety net, which mitigated the human suffering of this slump, but there’s a reason people call the nineties “the lost decade” for Japan.

Will the two-thousand tens be a lost decade for America?

February 5, 2009

The Message is the Message

Filed under: stimulus — Lee @ 1:01 pm

Following up on Ian’s frustration with the Democratic Party’s failure to sell the stimulus, I would like to direct your attention to Barack Obama’s op-ed in the Washington Post. This op-ed piece, which will drive at least one news cycle, is a core example of bad messaging and the problems Democrats have with selling their economic message to the American people.

The editorial seems to begin well enough, defining the problem Americans face in a clear, intuitively appealing, and memorable way:

[W]e have inherited an economic crisis as deep and dire as any since the days of the Great Depression. Millions of jobs that Americans relied on just a year ago are gone; millions more of the nest eggs families worked so hard to build have vanished. People everywhere are worried about what tomorrow will bring.

What Americans expect from Washington is action that matches the urgency they feel in their daily lives — action that’s swift, bold and wise enough for us to climb out of this crisis.

Every American who is even partially paying attention to the news — or their own future prospects — will understand that the economic crisis we face is huge, a genuine hundred-year sort of crisis. This description of the origins and nature of the crisis is a little bit vague, but Obama doesn’t need to be too specific, right?

After all, jobs are being lost, period. Does it matter why the jobs are being lost or what caused the crisis in the first place? Well, actually it does, because as a form of messaging this opening gambit is very weak, failing to frame the debate: does any Republican deny that we are facing a deep and dire crisis? Does any Republican deny that we need swift, bold, and wise action? Who doesn’t in the abstract desire a strong economy?

What Obama needed to have done is specify the causes of the problem and why his particular approach to the crisis is the best approach. The failure of this op-ed to achieve this necessary framing comes fully into view in this passage:

In recent days, there have been misguided criticisms of this plan that echo the failed theories that helped lead us into this crisis — the notion that tax cuts alone will solve all our problems; that we can meet our enormous tests with half-steps and piecemeal measures; that we can ignore fundamental challenges such as energy independence and the high cost of health care and still expect our economy and our country to thrive.

I reject these theories, and so did the American people when they went to the polls in November and voted resoundingly for change. They know that we have tried it those ways for too long. And because we have, our health-care costs still rise faster than inflation. Our dependence on foreign oil still threatens our economy and our security. Our children still study in schools that put them at a disadvantage. We’ve seen the tragic consequences when our bridges crumble and our levees fail.

This passage answers “misguided” critics of the plan without accurately referring to the specific content of their criticisms and without reframing the debate to cast those criticisms as petty and ridiculous and fundamentally unserous. Yes, there is mention of “the notion that tax cuts alone will solve all our problems,” but even Rush Limbaugh wrote in the WSJ about how he is generously willing to allow for 54% of the stimulus to be for spending in the Obama-Limbaugh stimulus plan. To contradict Republican memes about the Democratic stimulus plan, Obama at the very least needs to show he knows what position he’s arguing against.

The problems grow more serious when Obama declares that he rejects the “failed theories” of Republicans — as, apparently, did the American people, except of course the very publication of the op-ed shows that Obama thinks he’s losing the debate on the stimulus. The problem with Obama’s assertion is that Obama did not run a campaign that was about “theories.” His mandate is not the validation of one theory or another, but a mandate for “post-partisan change,” which includes a few big-ticket economic items like health care, yes, but which strongly deemphasized liberal “theory” in favor of a broad promise to be the anti-Bush.

In short, Obama and the Democrats have done a terrible job at using their bully pulpits to educate Americans about the precise content of the theories they’re rejecting — and they theories they believe to be true reflections of the world. If politics is fundamentally about convincing people that your picture of reality is more accurate, as I believe it is, then Democrats are doing a terrible job of explaining themselves, although to be fair to Congressional Democrats: Obama is the leader of the party now, and Americans look to him for the Democratic line on questions of policy. This WaPo op-ed provided Obama with an opportunity to correct course, to give specifics, to frame the debate.

Did it succeed?

If you read this op-ed as a stimulus skeptic, you did not learn anything new or have your beliefs meaningfully challenged. If you are already in favor of the stimulus, you still support it. Most importantly, if you’re an American who is trying to figure out what this debate is all about, you’ve just been told that the “failed theories” Obama is rejecting are that taxes alone can solve our problems and that we can handle our problems in a piecemeal fashion and that we should ignore health care and energy independence. But when you listen to Republican framing of the debate, you’re not being told that taxes can solve all our problems or that we should make the stimulus less comprehensive or that we should ignore this that or the other thing.

I am forced to conclude that this op-ed is a failure to communicate with the American people. And that Obama’s consistent failure — during the campaign, and now — to explain the logic and theories behind his economic agenda is his core domestic problem so far. Obama has in the past proven very adaptable to changing circumstances; one hopes he recovers in time — and realizes his errors — for the coming battle over health care.

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