New York Times columnist Paul Krugman has a lot of fans on the left who seem to regard his views as gospel when it comes to economic issues – such as the $700 billion bailout of the financial industry put forward by Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson.
Opposition to this plan from Krugman and others has provided political cover for politicians in Washington, allowing them to voice their own objections. We can only hope that this push-back from the plan’s critics will compel Congress and the White House to improve the plan before it passes.
But if opposition to the plan causes it to die, and the result is catastrophe for the American economy, I’ll be angry at Krugman for feeding the fires of self-serving political posturing and obstructionism. My anger is based, in part, on some rather stupid and manipulative aspects of his recent column on this issue.
Let’s examine how this column, from Sept. 21, 2008, begins:
Some skeptics are calling Henry Paulson’s $700 billion rescue plan for the U.S. financial system “cash for trash.” Others are calling the proposed legislation the Authorization for Use of Financial Force, after the Authorization for Use of Military Force, the infamous bill that gave the Bush administration the green light to invade Iraq.
There’s justice in the gibes.
Everyone agrees that something major must be done. But Mr. Paulson is demanding extraordinary power for himself — and for his successor — to deploy taxpayers’ money on behalf of a plan that, as far as I can see, doesn’t make sense.
The Paulson plan calls for the federal government to buy up $700 billion worth of troubled assets, mainly mortgage-backed securities. How does this resolve the crisis?
Well, it might — might — break the vicious circle of deleveraging, step 4 in my capsule description. Even that isn’t clear: the prices of many assets, not just those the Treasury proposes to buy, are under pressure. And even if the vicious circle is limited, the financial system will still be crippled by inadequate capital.
Or rather, it will be crippled by inadequate capital unless the federal government hugely overpays for the assets it buys, giving financial firms — and their stockholders and executives — a giant windfall at taxpayer expense. Did I mention that I’m not happy with this plan?
It may be that the federal government will hugely overpay for the assets it buys. That’s why it’s called a bailout. The low market value of these assets is the problem, isn’t it? — So obviously a bailout would require paying more for these assets than market value. It may also be that Paulson’s plan will provide the stockholders and executives of financial firms with giant windfalls at taxpayer expense. But that has no bearing whatsoever on the central point Krugman claims he’s making — that the plan doesn’t make sense. If the purpose of this plan were to punish those responsible for the current crisis, then I agree that it would not make sense to buy their bad debt. But if the purpose of this plan is to stabilize the financial industry for the sake of the overall economy — and in fact, it is — then the plan is probably going to benefit financial firms. It wouldn’t make sense to expect anything different.
Krugman uses words such as “logic” and “sense” to give the impression that his arguments are grounded in his understanding of the economy. I have no doubt that Krugman understands the economy better than I do — but the arguments he uses are moral arguments, not economic ones. When he refers to “a giant windfall at taxpayer expense,” he’s trying to draw attention to injustice, pure and simple.
Here’s another example of Krugman disguising a moral argument with economic-sounding language:
The logic of the crisis seems to call for an intervention, not at step 4, but at step 2: the financial system needs more capital. And if the government is going to provide capital to financial firms, it should get what people who provide capital are entitled to — a share in ownership, so that all the gains if the rescue plan works don’t go to the people who made the mess in the first place.
When Krugman says the government “should get what people who provide capital are entitled to,” the “should” represents a moral imperative rather than an economic imperative. His concern isn’t that the plan won’t work, but only, once again, that it is unjust. He’s worried that “the gains” will “go to the people who made the mess in the first place.”
It terrifies me that the federal government might be prevented from doing what is necessary to protect millions of American jobs because of moral concerns about rewarding corporate executives. Again: there will be plenty of time to punish the people responsible for creating this mess, but we need to get out of the mess first. That’s according to Democrats I respect, including Senator Christopher Dodd and Congressman Barney Frank.
But Krugman is fueling the idea that we should be afraid of what would happen if the plan passes. Here’s how he ends his column:
But I’d urge Congress to pause for a minute, take a deep breath, and try to seriously rework the structure of the plan, making it a plan that addresses the real problem. Don’t let yourself be railroaded — if this plan goes through in anything like its current form, we’ll all be very sorry in the not-too-distant future.
Again, Krugman is saying this bailout plan won’t address the real problem — another lie, as is clear if you read the rest of the column. The problem is that financial firms hold too much bad paper, which has the potential to cause a severe tightening of credit. So how does the bailout plan, which would enable the government to buy this debt, not address the real problem? Krugman’s argument doesn’t make any sense. Perhaps Krugman is saying the bailout plan should address the crisis’ root causes — but that can be done over the course of the next several years, after a newly-elected slate of politicians have had time to study the situation more closely.
Here’s a question for Krugman fans. When Krugman writes that if the current proposal is passed, we’ll “all be very sorry in the not-too-distant future,” does anybody have the faintest clue what he is talking about? Is Krugman merely saying the injustice of rewarding corporate executives for their misbehavior will offend our moral sensibilities? Is he actually arguing that passing this plan would have a negative economic impact?
This economic catastrophe came about because of stupid Republican ideology. Smart Democratic ideology — in other words, a “big government” intervention — can rescue the country from the mess the stupid Republicans have wrought. Over time, this whole sorry affair will provide plenty of powerful talking points that will empower Democrats to improve the rules and regulations by which our economy is run. And for those who hate “the trash,” there will be plenty of time for appropriate retribution.
But first, we have to save the economy. So please take off your self-righteous hat and put on your economist hat, Mr. Krugman — and stop treating me in ways that suggest you think I care more about hating Bush and hating executives than I care about this country’s prosperity.
Your response to this op-ed doesn’t make sense, I think. Krugman lays out a clear, albeit truncated, argument. It goes like this. The cause of our present economic crisis is X. The Paulson plan addresses Y. Therefore it “doesn’t make sense,” in the sense of “doesn’t appear to address the problem” rather than in the sense “is baffling and impossible to understand.” If we want to address X, Krugman is saying, we have models of successful bailouts we can look at, such as the S&L scandal (and, not mentioned, the Swedish financial crisis bailout). Now, Dodd has what Krugman considers to be a superior bailout package, a bailout more consonant with those previous successful bailouts. No one is suggesting we do nothing. Do you have a reason why you prefer the Paulson bailout to the Dodd version? This isn’t a question of Paulson or nothing. We have alternatives. That’s Krugman’s point, completely unambiguous and sensible enough.
Comment by Lee — September 22, 2008 @ 9:08 pm
To say the current bailout plan “doesn’t appear to address the problem” is absurd.
I don’t have a degree in economics, but I can explain how the bailout plan addresses the problem.
Here’s the problem: We’re in a situation where the economy could see a severe meltdown, causing a great deal of suffering for the American people, if tons of banks start going bankrupt and everybody loses tons of money. A lot of bank bankruptcies could happen soon because the banks suddenly have very little cash to invest — because the banks’ assets have shrunk in value due to a crisis of confidence on Wall Street and the collapse of the housing bubble.
The Paulson plan would rescue the economy by purchasing the horrible mortgages and related bad debt, preventing the banks from going bankrupt, thereby restoring confidence in the banks, the financial markets, and the economy.
Roughly speaking, the cause of the present economic crisis — the “X” to which you refer — is that people in the mortgage industry sold mortgages irresponsibly, and people in the financial industry invested in these mortgages irresponsibly — so when the mortgages turned out to be horrible investments, it caused a chain reaction that was leading banks to go bankrupt.
The point of the bailout plan — the “Y” — is for the government to rescue the banks from these stupid mortgages, so the banks can go back to providing the credit the economy needs in order to function.
So I just don’t understand what Krugman means when he says the proposed bailout doesn’t appear to address the problem. I believe the plan WOULD address the problem. Am I missing something?
I haven’t studied the Paulson plan and the Dodd plan, but I’m guessing the Dodd plan is better. I happily agree that Congress should get the Dodd version if it can.
But that’s not what Krugman is referring to when he says the Paulson plan “doesn’t make sense.” Krugman’s column isn’t supporting Dodd’s plan — he’s opposing Paulson’s plan. (In other words, Krugman isn’t saying the medicine has nasty side effects; he’s saying the medicine won’t work.) Krugman opposes the Paulson plan because he claims to think it doesn’t “makes sense,” which suggests he thinks the plan will not accomplish what it is intended to accomplish.
Can you make an argument that the plan won’t work the way it’s supposed to? If you can’t, then you must acknowledge that Krugman is being manipulative when he says the plan “doesn’t make sense.”
I’m not against more oversite. I’m not against a bailout for people facing foreclosure. And I’m not against limits on executive pay. What I am against is liberal pundits condemining a necessary bailout plan without being clear about why. I’m sick of hearing about the Swedish financial crisis bailout. Is that your point: that our bailout should look more like Sweden’s bailout for some mysterious reason?
More oversite may be necessary, but Krugman makes me nervous when he justifies the need for more oversite by pointing to an utterly irrelevant set of circumstances — the Iraq War authorization — apparently hoping my strong feelings about the war will somehow motivate me to fight for more oversite in a bailout bill.
This is a democracy, and I’m entitled to ask: Oversite for what? What’s the big deal? It’s not a rhetorical question: I really want to know what’s wrong with the Paulson bill. I don’t care if the bill doesn’t seem sufficiently similar to the S&L scandal bailout or the Swedish financial crisis bailout — what I care about is what Krugman is talking about when he says “we’ll all be very sorry in the not-too-distant-future” if the bill passes in his current form.
I ask again: What is Krugman talking about? In other words, is all this opposition to the bailout plan just an attempt by Democrats to get additional goodies added on, or does the opposition actually reflect an honest criticism of the bailout plan?
Comment by Ian — September 22, 2008 @ 10:25 pm
I think despite the overly glib reference to Iraq Krugman did make a cogent argument.
It comes down to risk. Paulson’s plan transfers all the risks to the gov’t (since, as you note, it would have to overpay for the items). Now other plans, based more on capital injection, would spread the risk out between public and private. The Gov’t might lose it’s capital investment but at the same time it might be able to sell those shares for higher and net a profit.
Comment by John — September 22, 2008 @ 11:37 pm
To John: I see your point about the potential upside of capital investment — but couldn’t the government also potentially reap some profits from buying up all those assets? Paulson has been arguing that under his plan, mortgage-backed securities would be bought and then later sold, probably for a profit. So why is capital investment in financial firms a better investment than the mortgage-backed securities Paulson wants to buy? Aren’t we spreading our risk either way (but under a capital investment plan we’re now joined at the hip to these financial firms)?
Comment by Ian — September 22, 2008 @ 11:59 pm
Ian: If the gov’t buys mortgage based securities its risk and upside is only in the mortgage sectors. If it invests in financial companies its spread out over the entire world economy. Diversification writ large.
Comment by John — September 23, 2008 @ 12:23 am